【编者按】《亚洲法与社会杂志》（Asian Journal of Law and Society）是由上海交通大学中国法与社会研究院（CISLS）及其前身法社会学研究中心（LSC）为凯原法学院与剑桥大学出版社合作出版的全英文学术期刊。目前订购数超过8500户，其中超过6000是机构订户。仅在剑桥出版社的期刊平台，仅在2018年，这份新兴期刊的全文下载数就达到10000次以上。据最近获得的权威信息，本刊在SCOPUS引文数据库排行榜已经上升到第二方阵，也已经被纳入ESCI (Emerging Scholars Citation Index)引文数据库，并有望在2021年左右达到SSCI (Social Sciences Citation Index) 数据库的收录标准。

本期集中推送杂志第7卷第1期（2020年2月）的目录，以方便读者查阅和引用，也可方便研究者了解本刊录用稿件的方针和特色。欢迎大家积极参与全英文学术期刊Asian Journal of Law and Society的建设，在这个平台上构筑一个跨学科、跨国界的知识共同体！

The Decoupling of the Nation and the State: Constitutionalizing Transnational Nationhood, Cross-Border Connectivity, Diaspora, and “National” Identity-Affiliation in Asia and Beyond

民族与国家的脱钩：亚洲及其他地区的跨国民族宪法化、跨境连通、海外侨民和“民族”身份认同

作者：Hiroshi FUKURAI，美国加利福尼亚大学圣克鲁兹分校社会和法律研究教授

摘要：Since the first Asian Law and Society Conference (ALSA) was held at the National University of Singapore (NUS) in 2016, a number of special sessions have been organized to focus on the deconstruction of the Westphalian transnational order based on the concept of the “nation-state.” This dominant hegemony was predicated on the congruence of the geo-territorial boundaries of both the state and the nation, as well as the “assumed integration” of state-defined “citizenship” and another distinctly layered “membership” based on culture, ethnic, religious, and indigenous affiliations. The “nation-state” ideology has thus masked a history of tensions and conflicts, often manifested in the form of oppression, persecution, and genocide directed at the nation and its peoples by the state and its predatory institutions. Our studies have shown that such conflicts between the nation and the state have been observed in multiple regions in Asia, including Kashmir in India; Moro and Islamic communities of Mindanao in the Philippines; Karen, Kachin, and other autonomous nations in Myanmar; West Papua, Aceh, Kalimantan, South Moluccas, Minahasa, and Riau in Indonesia; Kurds in multiple state systems of Iraq, Syria, Turkey, and Iran; and Palestine in Israel, among many other culturally autonomous nucleated communities in Asia and across the world. The phrase “the nation and the state” was specifically chosen to distinguish and highlight the unique conflictual histories of two geo-political entities and to provide a fundamentally differing interpretation of history, geography, the role of law, and global affairs from the perspectives of nation peoples, rather than from that of the state or international organizations, as traditional analyses do. The Westphalian “nation-state” hegemony led to the inviolability of the state’s sovereign control over the nation and peoples within a state-delimited territory. The state then began to engage in another predatory project: to strengthen and extend its international influence over other states and, thus, the nations within these states, by adopting new constitutional provisions to offer cross-border “citizenship” to diasporic “ethnic-nationals” and descendants of “ex-migrants” who now inhabit foreign states. The nations have similarly capitalized on constitutional activism by erecting their own Constitutions to explore collaboration with other nations, as well as diasporic populations of their own, in order to carve out a path toward the nations’ independence within, and even beyond, the respective state systems. The “constitutional” activism sought by the state and the nation has become an important political vehicle with which to engage in possible collaboration with diasporic “ethno-nationals” and ex-migrant communities, in order to further assert political influence and strengthen trans-border politics of the state and the nation. Three articles included in this issue investigate such constitutional activism of cross-border politics and transnational collaborations in Asia, the Americas, Europe, and other regions across the globe.

自2016年第一届亚洲法与社会大会（ALSA）在新加坡国立大学（NUS）举行以来，已经召开了许多特别会议，重点讨论基于“民族国家”概念的威斯特伐利亚跨国秩序的解构。这种主导性霸权是基于国家和民族的地理领土边界的一致性，以及国家定义的“公民身份”和另一种基于文化、种族、宗教和原住民归属的明显分层的“成员资格”的“假定一体化”。因此，“民族国家”的意识形态掩盖了紧张和冲突的历史，其表现形式往往是国家及其掠夺性机构对于民族及其人民的压迫、迫害和种族灭绝。我们的研究表明，这种民族与国家之间的冲突已在亚洲的多个地区出现，包括印度的克什米尔、菲律宾棉兰老岛的摩洛和伊斯兰社区，缅甸的克伦族、克钦族和其他自治民族，印度尼西亚的西巴布亚、亚齐、加里曼丹、南摩鹿加、米纳哈萨和廖内乌；伊拉克、叙利亚、土耳其和伊朗等多个国家体系中的库尔德人，以色列的巴勒斯坦，以及亚洲和世界上许多其他有自主文化的有核社区。“民族与国家”一词的选择是为了区分和突出两个地缘政治实体独特的冲突历史，并从民族的人民的角度而不是像传统的分析一样从国家和国际组织的角度，对历史、地理、法律的作用和全球事务作出根本不同的解释。威斯特伐利亚的“民族国家”霸权导致国家对于划定领土内的民族和人民的主权控制是不可侵犯的。国家随后开始实施另一个掠夺性的项目：通过新的宪法条款，为流散到海外的“族裔国民”和现在居住在外国的“前移民”的后代提供跨境“公民身份”，以加强和扩大其对于其他国家以及它们内部民族的国际影响。相似地，这些民族也利用宪法能动主义，通过建立自己的宪法来探索与其他民族以及自己的流散人口合作，以便在各自国家制度之内甚至之外开辟一条民族独立的道路。国家和民族所寻求的“宪法”能动主义已成为一种重要的政治手段，可以与流散海外的“族裔国民”和前移民社区进行可能的合作，以进一步发挥政治影响力，加强国家和民族的跨境政治。本期的三篇文章探讨了像这样在亚洲、美洲、欧洲和全球其他地区，实现跨境政治和跨国合作的宪法能动主义。

Nation v. State: Constitutionalizing Transnational Nationhood, Creating Ethnizens, and Engaging with Kin-Foreigners in Europe and Asia

民族相较于国家：跨国民族宪法化，族民概念的创造以及与欧亚地区的“血缘外国人”互动

作者：Chulwoo LEE，韩国延世大学法学院教授

摘要：In the interstices of international law, quite a number of states have developed strategies to reach out to and engage with their diasporic populations or ethnonational kin outside of their borders who are not their citizens but citizens of the state in which they habitually reside. Some states even provide for that kind of policy in their Constitutions. Some states grant preferential treatment and special rights to “kin-foreigners,” thereby creating “ethnizens.” This article canvasses provisions in national Constitutions in Europe and Asia that provide grounds for engaging with the members of the nation outside of the state, analyzes the modes of engagement—mainly ethnizenship practices and various ways to strengthen links with diasporas—and examines the rules of engagement. It shows that the international norm has not provided effective guidelines regarding the strategies of transnational nation-building beyond the personal boundaries of the state and concludes that the decoupling the nation from the state registered by the transnational nationhood strategies falls short of constituting a departure from the logic of the Westphalian nation-state.

在国际法的缝隙当中，有一些国家制定了接触源于同一族裔但是却是其惯常居住国的而不是母国的公民的侨民的策略。甚至一些国家在宪法中规定了上述政策。一些国家对“血缘外国人”给予优惠待遇和特殊权利，从而创造了“族民”的概念。本文梳理了欧洲和亚洲的国家的宪法当中为与本国之外的民族成员互动提供依据的条款，分析其互动的模式——主要是“族民”的实践以及与侨民加强联系的各种方式——并研究了互动依据的规则。以上表明，国际规范尚没有为建立超越各国家边界的跨国民族策略提供有效的指引。作者总结道，跨国民族策略所展示的民族与国家的分离，并没有偏离威斯特伐利亚民族国家的逻辑。

The State Constitution v. the National Constitution: Original Nations’ “Sovereignty-Building” Projects in Asia, North America, and Beyond

国家的宪法相较于民族的宪法：亚洲，北美洲及其他地区原始民族的“主权建立”企划

作者：Hiroshi FUKURAI，美国加利福尼亚大学圣克鲁兹分校社会和法律研究教授

摘要：Historical tensions and conflicts have existed between the nation and the state across the globe for centuries. These antithetical geo-political entities have also erected Constitutions of their own to assert their sovereignty and independence. The paper then explores the constitutional activism by the nation to attain its sovereignty and the right to self-determination from the state supervision. The paper specifically interrogates recent efforts by the Nation of Lakota in North America, and its constitutional activism and the attempts to secede from the US jurisdiction in order to declare the nation’s independence. The paper provides the critical investigation of an array of both domestic and international laws used by the Nation of Lakota in order to complete the withdrawal of its political ties and legal obligation from the US territory. The paper concludes by discussing the ongoing constitutional activism by multiple nations in Asia and other regions of the world in an effort to attain their sovereignty and independence within, and even beyond, the respective state systems.

数百年来，在全球范围内，民族与国家之间存在着紧张和冲突。这些对立的地缘政治体通过自己的宪法以确保自身的主权和独立。本篇论文探讨了民族获得主权的宪法能动主义以及与国家分离的民族自决权。本篇论文特别审视了拉科塔民族近期在北美的行动，其宪法能动主义以及为了宣布民族独立而从美国脱离司法管辖权的一系列举动。本文提供了对拉科塔民族使用的一系列国内和国际法律的批判性考察，这些法律的运用是为了脱离其在美国领土内的政治联系和法律义务。在总结部分，本文讨论了在亚洲数个国家以及世界其他地区正在发生的，以期在各自的国家体系内甚至超越国家体系实现主权和独立的宪法能动主义。

Constitutionalizing Trans-Border Nationhood: From Latin American Perspectives

跨国境国家的宪政化：从拉丁美洲的角度

作者：Hee Moon JO，韩国外国语大学教授

摘要：The relationship between state and absent citizens is becoming more important since the globalization of the 1990s. Countries usually try to increase the number of their citizens through two methods. The first is by increasing the number of nationals living abroad using a dual-nationality system. The second is by expanding national power through dual culturalism. These methods increase the international capacity of the home state through the expansion of the de facto state territory from the perspective of network-power theory. Latin American countries have been relatively passive in this diaspora-engagement policy, but recently they have begun to show an active attitude by revising their migration policy— amendments to the Constitution and migration law, dual nationality, dual culturalism, voting rights abroad, and upgrading the status of diaspora agencies, etc. However, it is still unclear how the multinational and multi-ethnic Latin American countries conceptualize diaspora. This paper analyzes the diaspora-engagement policy of Latin American countries from the standpoint of network-power theory and tries to find out what its theoretical framework is. This paper concludes that the theorization work on diaspora should continue to track and analyze these policy changes, since it is difficult to understand what the diaspora concept is and what policy objectives the state is pursuing under the current diaspora-engagement policy.

自1990年代全球化以来，国家与缺席公民（absent citizens）之间的关系变得越来越重要。各国通常尝试通过两种方法来增加其公民数量。首先是通过双重国籍制度增加居住在国外的国民人数。第二个是通过双重文化主义扩大国家力量。从网络权力理论的角度来看，这些方法通过扩大事实上的国家领土来提高本国的国际能力。拉丁美洲国家在这种侨民接触政策中相对消极，但是最近它们开始通过修订移民政策（宪法和移民法修正案、双重国籍、双重文化主义、海外投票权和提高侨民机构的地位），表现出越发的积极态度。但是，仍不清楚多民族和多种族的拉丁美洲国家如何理解侨民概念。本文从网络权力理论的角度分析了拉丁美洲国家的侨民接触政策，并试图找出其理论框架。本文得出的结论是，由于很难理解侨民的概念以及国家在现行的侨民接触政策下追求的政策目标，所以关于侨民的理论工作仍应继续跟踪和分析这些政策变化。

Mapping the Power Struggles of the National Green Tribunal of India: The Rise and Fall?

绘制印度国家“绿色法庭”的权力斗争图：是兴是衰？

作者：Gitanjali Nain GILL，英国诺桑比亚大学教授

摘要：This article documents the life-cycle of the National Green Tribunal of India (NGT). The NGT is officially described as a “specialised body equipped with necessary expertise to handle environmental disputes involving multi-disciplinary issues”—a forum offering greater plurality for environmental justice. Its international and national recognition promotes it as an exemplar for developing nations. The change management theory underpinning the paper is drawn from the work of Kurt Lewin and Edgar Schein, thereby allowing the analysis of competing internal and external forces affecting the NGT. There is a transmigration of theory and its application from one discipline to another social science: business psychology and management to law. The article identifies and addresses the crisis, and analyses the reasons and actions of the principal actors or forces interested in supporting the NGT and, on the other hand, those who are concerned, challenged, and affected by its growth, activities, and popularity.

本文记录了印度国家绿色法庭（NGT）的生命周期。NGT被正式描述为“具有处理涉及多学科问题的环境纠纷的必要专业知识的专门机构”。这是一个为环境正义提供更多解决方案的平台。它的国际和国内认可度使它成为发展中国家的典范。本文基于Kurt Lewin和Edgar Schein的“变更管理理论”（change management theory），分析影响NGT的内部和外部竞争因素。这一理论原本产生于商业心理学，本文将其迁移并适用于另一门社会学科，即法学。本文识别并探讨了围绕NGT而产生的争议：一方面，分析了支持NGT的主要参与者或力量的原因和行动；另一方面，也分析了那些因NGT的发展、活动和热度而受到影响和挑战的人们的原因和行动。

Do Birds of a Feather Flock Together? Rights Protection (Weiquan) Lawyering in China

维权律师在中国——人以类聚？

作者：Kege LI （李可歌），香港城市大学法学博士候选人

摘要：As the idiom goes, birds of a feather flock together. This ancient proverb is frequently used to portray the phenomenon of people associating with those with have similar characteristics and tastes. However, in the name of weiquan lawyers, myriad lawyers flock together with different beliefs and diverse values. Within this pool of lawyers, in addition to those lawyers who are driven by public interest, some lawyers who have eagerly labelled themselves as weiquan lawyers are profit-oriented in nature. This paper aims to provide a new typology to present a better understanding of the role of weiquan lawyers, by jointly taking into consideration the lawyers’ motivations and adaptive strategies. In this regard, weiquan lawyers in China can be categorized into four ideal types: routine practitioners, rational activists, progressive reformers, and cynical criticizers.

俗话说，人以类聚，物以群分。这句谚语通常被用来描绘志同道合的人相聚成群。然而，以维权的名义，无数持不同信仰及价值观的律师也正在聚集。在这一群体中，除了为公共利益行事，一些热衷于称自己为维权律师的人在本质上是追求盈利的。本文为更好地理解维权律师的角色，综合考察了维权律师的动机及应对策略，并据此提出了划分中国维权律师的四个理想类型：普通的执业律师、理性的行动者、进步的改革者和愤世嫉俗的批判者。

Lay Participation in Japanese Criminal Justice: Prosecution Review Commissions, the Lay-Judge System, and Penal Institution Visiting Committees

日本刑事司法制度中的民众参与：检察院审查委员会、素人法官制度和刑事机构视察委员会

作者：Stacey STEELE，墨尔本大学副教授、亚洲法律中心副主任；Carol LAWSON，新南威尔士大学法律、市场和监管中心副讲师、澳大利亚国立大学法学院博士生；Mari HIRAYAMA，白鸥大学法学教授；David T. JOHNSON，夏威夷大学马诺阿分校社会学教授

摘要：This article highlights reliance on lay participation as a mechanism for solving perceived problems in Japanese criminal justice by examining three reforms aimed at increasing lay participation in Japanese criminal justice: the mandatory prosecution power given to Prosecution Review Commissions, the saiban’in seido (lay-judge system), and Penal Institution Visiting Committees. The article argues that lay participation plays an important role in legitimizing aspects of the current system. Despite the Nagoya Prison Scandal in 2002–03, Japan’s extraordinary achievements in order inside prisons have been maintained and citizens are comforted that the system has oversight by Visiting Committees. Although PRCs and saiban’in seido represent a more open approach to eligibility and selection than Visiting Committees, they too help to legitimize existing structures. The article concludes by considering challenges to the continued reliance on lay participation in Japan including reform fatigue, the demographic crisis, the impact of geography, and technological developments.

本文通过研究三项旨在提高日本刑事司法当中民众参与程度的改革措施——检察院（Prosecution Review Commissions検察審査会）的强制起诉权、素人法官制度（lay-judge system）和刑事机构视察委员会（Penal Institution Visiting Committees刑事施設視察委員会）——来说明大众参与被当成解决日本刑事司法中已暴露问题的机制。本文认为，民众参与对于将现行制度的各方面予以合法化产生了重要作用。尽管2002至2003年间发生了名古屋监狱丑闻，但是日本在维护监狱内部秩序方面取得了非凡成就，公民们也因为该制度受刑事机构视察委员会的监督而感到欣慰。虽然与刑事机构视察委员会相比，检察院检察审查会和素人法官制度在资格和甄选方面更为开放，但是它们也有助于现有结构的合法化。本文最后介绍了日本继续依赖大众参与面临的挑战，包括改革疲劳、人口危机、地理位置影响和技术发展等。

Recognizing the Value of Constitutional Origins

认识宪法起源的价值

作者：Jonathan LILJEBLAD

图书：Kevin Y. L. Tan and Ngoc Son Bui, eds., Constitutional Foundings in Southeast Asia (New York: Hart Publishing, 2019)

东南亚的宪政基础

Historical Conditions, Constitutionalism, and Popular Support for Democracy in Myanmar

缅甸的民主的历史条件、宪政主义和民众支持

作者：Nick CHEESMAN

图书：Roman David and Ian Holliday, Liberalism and Democracy in Myanmar (New York: Oxford University Press, 2018)

自由主义与民主在缅甸

Sociopolitical Origins and Legal Outcomes of Official Multilingualism

官方多语言主义的社会政治起源和法律后果

作者：Ric POWELL

图书：Janny H. C. Leung, Shallow Equality and Symbolic Jurisprudence in Multilingual Legal Orders (New York: Oxford University Press: Oxford Studies in Language and Law, 2019)

多语言法律秩序中的表面性平等和象征性法理